For it not being
possible that the first framers of the government should by any
foresight be so much masters of future events as to be able to
prefix so just periods of return and duration to the assemblies of the
legislative, in all times to come, that might exactly answer all the
exigencies of the commonwealth, the best remedy could be found for
this defect was to trust this to the prudence of one who was always to
be present, and whose business it was to watch over the public good.
Constant, frequent meetings of the legislative, and long continuations
of their assemblies, without necessary occasion, could not but be
burdensome to the people, and must necessarily in time produce more
dangerous inconveniencies, and yet the quick turn of affairs might
be sometimes such as to need their present help; any delay of their
convening might endanger the public; and sometimes, too, their
business might be so great that the limited time of their sitting
might be too short for their work, and rob the public of that
benefit which could be had only from their mature deliberation.
What, then, could be done in this case to prevent the community from
being exposed some time or other to imminent hazard on one side or the
other, by fixed intervals and periods set to the meeting and acting of
the legislative, but to entrust it to the prudence of some who,
being present and acquainted with the state of public affairs, might
make use of this prerogative for the public good? And where else could
this be so well placed as in his hands who was entrusted with the
execution of the laws for the same end? Thus, supposing the regulation
of times for the assembling and sitting of the legislative not settled
by the original constitution, it naturally fell into the hands of
the executive; not as an arbitrary power depending on his good
pleasure, but with this trust always to have it exercised only for the
public weal, as the occurrences of times and change of affairs might
require.
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